FaldasR is a Venezuelan feminist collective at the forefront of defending sexual and reproductive rights. Since its founding in 2011, the organization has provided crucial support to women and people capable of gestation, offering reliable information if they choose to terminate a pregnancy. Over the past 14 years, FaldasR has empowered individuals with information and knowledge, while building networks of solidarity.
Roraima Rivas-Liendo, a FaldasR spokesperson, highlights how contraceptive shortages generated by U.S. sanctions and abortion restrictions disproportionately affect working-class women. The organization’s work illustrates how Chavista feminist activism is intertwined with broader struggles for social justice and against imperialism.
Cira Pascual Marquina: Can you summarize some of the major advances for feminism within the Bolivarian Process?
Roraima Rivas-Liendo: The approval of the Organic Law on the Right of Women to a Life Free of Violence [2007] was the most significant victory for the feminist movement during the revolution. During his life, Chávez often highlighted women’s struggles in his speeches. He even declared himself a feminist and gave recognition to the sex-gender diverse and LGBTQ community. Although this did not lead to the legalization of same-sex marriage, it did establish the prohibition of discrimination in public spaces not only on racial grounds, but also on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.
Chávez’s acknowledgment of sexual orientation and gender diversity left a lasting imprint on Venezuelan society and encouraged the growth of many organizations, such as ASGDRe, a sex-gender dissident collective, which was particularly active at the time. This recognition enriched the revolution, making it more diverse and robust.
Returning to the Organic Law on the Right of Women to a Life Free of Violence, it was not only groundbreaking in Venezuela but also set a regional precedent. The law addressed a wide spectrum of forms of violence that few legislations had previously considered: not only psychological and physical violence, but also workplace, vicarious, and media violence, among others. This represented a significant legislative and social advance, broadening awareness of what machista violence truly entails.
However, while Chávez was alive, abortion decriminalization did not gain enough traction, even though some revolutionary cadres expressed support publicly.
A 2022 march for the decriminalization of abortion organized by FaldasR and other organizations. (FaldasR)
CPM: The decriminalization of abortion is a pending task of the revolution, but there are other pending tasks for feminists as well. Can you talk about the wider panorama?
RRL: For FaldasR activists, as feminists and Chavistas, decriminalizing abortion on all grounds is our primary struggle.
There is no situation in Venezuela where a woman can decide to have an abortion on her own. The decision is solely in the hands of medical personnel, and only if the woman’s life is deemed at risk can an abortion be performed. This is among the three most restrictive legal frameworks on the continent.
The Venezuelan state maintains that there is no systematic persecution of abortion. Unfortunately, the reality is different. We recently learned about the case of Hilaried López, a woman sentenced for infanticide—a charge that, according to the penal code, actually exceeds the penalties established for abortion.
We also recognize that the precarization of life amid the blockade-driven crisis forces many into impossible situations. Women who already have children, or who might otherwise want them, often feel compelled to interrupt their pregnancies simply because they cannot guarantee the material conditions to raise a child—even when they are emotionally prepared and deeply willing to do so.
Another pressing issue for us is the growing influence of religious and anti-rights groups. This is part of a broader global conservative resurgence, and we do not yet know how far their reach might extend or how much damage they could do to established rights and the secular nature of the Venezuelan state.
CPM: I understand FaldasR was founded in 2011. Could you share the story of how the organization came to exist?
RRL: FaldasR was indeed founded in 2011, at a time when feminism was gaining visibility and becoming more present both in society at large and within social movements. Chávez had just declared himself to be a feminist. That public declaration was still fresh in people’s minds, and it gave encouragement to comrades active in grassroots struggles.
From the beginning, the raison d’être of FaldasR was the decriminalization of abortion within the Revolution. From this core focus, FaldasR grew, adding more members and broadening its tasks—all related to that central objective. Today, we still uphold abortion decriminalization as our main demand.
Since its foundation, FaldasR has also been part of the ecosystem of popular organizations that make up the social base of Chavismo and the Latin American left. Strengthening those bonds of political trust and collective construction has always been a key part of our work. For example, FaldasR has been active in ALBA Movimientos since its inception.
In our work, we begin from a clear understanding: women from privileged sectors do not experience the abortion ban in the same way as women from working-class and popular backgrounds, who are our main concern. Where abortion is banned, access to a safe procedure becomes a class privilege.
CPM: What kind of educational work does the organization carry out?
RRL: Our main service to the community, to all women and people with the capacity to gestate, is sharing information. Our starting point and principal directive is the right to information.
We distribute scientifically backed, publicly available information through our hotline, social media, publications, and community workshops. This information is also supported by international organizations such as the World Health Organization. Anyone who comes to us, regardless of who they are, has the right to reliable information to make decisions about their lives.
Over our 14 years of activity, we have developed an approach that gives meaning to the act of sharing knowledge, framing our work as political rather than merely assistive. This strengthens bonds of solidarity and sisterhood, while also allowing us to weave organizational ties that extend beyond the hotline, through workshops and community interventions.
FaldasR workshops (FaldasR)
CPM: Earlier, you spoke about the impact of the U.S. blockade on the lives of working-class women. Could you expand on this?
RRL: The unilateral coercive measures have triggered a profound crisis, and that crisis has multiple impacts on the daily lives of women.
Access to contraceptives is a key issue. It’s not as severe now as it was a few years ago, but there are still periods when certain methods become unavailable. It’s important to have a wide variety of contraceptives, because not everyone can or wants to use the same method.
The economic stress also harms the social fabric and increases gender-based violence, even rape, which results in unwanted pregnancies. Many people experiencing sexual violence don’t even have the means to support themselves or their existing family members, which makes bringing a new child into the world unfeasible.
The consequences of the blockade on the lives of working-class women and girls are enormous. Truly, the blockade is criminal.
CPM: Recently, FaldasR has published a new report drawing on the data that the organization has collected. What are some of its key findings?
RRL: We publish these reports because there is no official data on abortion in Venezuela. Women and people with the capacity to gestate seek abortions regardless of the legal framework. Here and everywhere, criminalizing abortion only drives it underground but does not prevent it.
This clandestinity poses serious risks, not only to those with unwanted pregnancies but also to their families, as many are household providers supporting children, elderly relatives, or people with disabilities.
Our current report reflects a continuous process of research and methodological refinement, both in our data collection and analysis. While the findings remain largely consistent with previous years, certain issues stand out.
First, we registered an increase in people who attempted an incorrect—and therefore dangerous—procedure. This indicates that the circulation of erroneous and dangerous information is growing. At the same time, we saw an increase in people contacting us during the early stages of pregnancy, which suggests greater awareness of the importance of seeking help and information promptly.
Finally, we have observed a shift in consciousness. Previously, women seeking information tended to approach their situation as an individual exception, and were not necessarily supportive of abortion legalization. Today, many recognize it as a collective right. Even those who do not go that far still assert their own need for self-determination, often in defiance of strong cultural pressures. Both trends are significant, reflecting a growing sense of agency and autonomy, despite restrictive conditions.