The Privatization of God

Custom-made for the Consumer

In the 17th century, Blaise Pascal, a genius of mathematics, wrote that men never do evil with greater pleasure than when they do it with religious conviction.  This idea — from a deeply religious man — has taken a variety of different forms since.  During the last century, the greatest crimes against humanity were promoted, with pride and passion, in the name of Progress, Justice, and Freedom.  In the name of Love, Puritans and moralists organized hatred, oppression, and humiliation; in the name of Life, leaders and prophets spilled death over vast regions of the planet.  Presently, God has come to be the main excuse for exercises in hate and death, hiding political ambitions, earthly and infernal interests, behind sacred invocations.  In this way, by reducing each tragedy on the planet to the millenarian and simplified tradition of the struggle between Good and Evil, of God against the Devil, hatred, violence, and death are legitimated.  There is no other way to explain how men and women are inclined to pray with fanatical pride and hypocritical humility, as if they were pure angels, models of morality, all the while hiding gunpowder in their clothing, or a check made out to death.  And if the leaders are aware of the fraud, their subjects are no less responsible for being stupid, no less culpable for their criminal metaphysical convictions, in the name of God and Morality — when not in the name of a race, of a culture — and from a long tradition, recently on exhibit, custom-fit to the latest in hatred and ambition.

Empire of Simplifications

Yes, we can believe in the people. We can believe that they are capable of the most astounding creations — as will be one day their own liberation — and also of incommensurable stupidities, these latter always concealed by a complacent and self-interested discourse that manages to nullify criticism and any challenge to bad conscience.  But, how did we come to such criminal negligence?  Where does so much pride come from in a world where violence grows daily and more and more people claim to have heard the voice of God?

Political history demonstrates that simplification is more powerful and better received by the vast majority of society than is problematization.  For a politician or for a spiritual leader, for example, it is a show of weakness to admit that reality is complex.  If one’s adversary expunges from a problem all of its contradictions and presents it to the public as a struggle between Good and Evil, the adversary undoubtedly is more likely to triumph.  In the final analysis, the primary lesson of our time is grounded in commercial advertising or in permissive submission: we elect and buy what solves our problems for us, quickly and cheaply, even though the problem might continue to be real while the solution is never more than virtual.  Nonetheless, simplification does not eliminate the complexity of the problem in question, but rather, on the contrary, produces greater problems, and sometimes tragic consequences.  Denying a disease does not cure it; it makes it worse.

Why Don’t We Talk about Why?

Let’s try now to problematize some social phenomenon.  Undoubtedly, we will not plumb the full depths of its complexity, but we can get an idea of the degree of simplification with which it is treated on a daily basis, and not always innocently.

Let’s start with a brief example.  Consider the case of a man who rapes and kills a young girl.  I take this example not only because it is, along with torture, one of the most abhorrent crimes imaginable, but because it represents a common criminal practice in all societies, even those which boast of their special moral virtues.

First of all, we have a crime.  Beyond the semantics of “crime” and “punishment,” we can evaluate the act on its own merits, without, that is, needing to recur to a genealogy of the criminal and of his victim, or needing to research the origins of the criminal’s conduct.  Both the rape and the murder should be punished by the law, and by the rest of society.  Period.  On this point, there is no room for discussion.

Very well.  Now let’s imagine that in a given country the number of rapes and murders doubles in a particular year and then doubles again the year after that.  A simplification would be to reduce the new phenomenon to the criminal deed described above.  That is to say, a simplification would be to understand that the solution to the problem would be to not let a single one of these crimes go unpunished.  Stated in a third way, a simplification would be to not recognize the social realities behind the individual criminal act.  A more in-depth analysis of the first case could reveal to us a painful childhood, marked by the sexual abuse of the future abuser, of the future criminal.  This observation would not in any way overturn the criminality of the deed itself, just as evaluated above, but it would allow us to begin to see the complexity of a problem that simplification threatens to perpetuate.  Starting from this psychological analysis of the individual, we could certainly continue to observe other kinds of implications arising from the same criminal’s circumstances, such as, for example, the economic conditions of a specific social underclass, its exploitation and moral stigmatization by the rest of society, the moral violence and humiliation of its misery, its scales of moral value constructed in accordance with an apparatus of production, reproduction, and contradictory consumption, by social institutions like a public education system that helps the poor less than it humiliates them, certain religious organizations that have created sin for the poor while using the latter to earn Paradise for themselves, the mass media, advertising, labor contradictions . . . and so on.

We can understand terrorism in our time in the same way.  The criminality of an act of terrorism is not open to discussion (or it shouldn’t be).  Killing is always a disgrace, a historical curse.  But killing innocents and on a grand scale can have no justification or pardon of any kind.  Therefore, to renounce punishment for those who promote terrorism is an act of cowardice and a flagrant concession to impunity.

Nevertheless, we should also remember here our initial caveat.  Understanding a social and historical phenomenon as a consequence of the existence of “bad guys” on Earth is an extremely naive simplification or, to the contrary, an ideologically astute simplification that, by avoiding integrated analysis — historical, economic, political — exempts the administrators of the meaning of “bad”: the good guys.

We will not even begin to analyze, in these brief reflections, how one comes to identify one particular group and not others with the qualifier “terrorist.”  For that, let it suffice to recommend a reading of Roland Barthes — to mention just one classic source.  We will assume the restricted meaning of the term, which is the one assumed by the press and the mainstream political narratives.

Even so, if we resort to the idea that terrorism exists because criminals exist in the world, we would have to think that in recent times there has been an especially abundant harvest of wicked people.  (An idea explicitly present in the official discourse of all the governments of countries affected by the phenomenon.)  But if it were true that in our world today there are more bad people than before, surely it isn’t by the grace of God but via historical developments that such a phenomenon has come to be.  No historical circumstance is produced by chance.  Therefore, to believe that killing terrorists will eliminate terrorism from the world is not only a foolish simplification, but, by denying a historical origin for the problem, by presenting it as ahistorical, as purely a product of Evil, even as a struggle between two theological “essences” removed from any social, economic, and political context, it provokes a tragic worsening of the situation.  It is a way of not confronting the problem, of not attacking its deep roots.

On many occasions violence is unavoidable.  For example, if someone attacks us it would seem legitimate to defend ourselves with an equal degree of violence.  Certainly a true Christian would offer the other cheek before instigating a violent reaction; however, if he were to respond violently to an act of aggression no one could deny him the right, even though he might be contradicting one of the commandments of Christ.  But if a person or a government tells us that violence will be diminished by unleashing violence against the bad guys — affecting the innocent in the process — not only does this deny the search for a cause for the violence, it also will serve to strengthen it, or at least legitimate it, in the eyes of those who suffer the consequences.

Punishing those responsible for violence is an act of justice.  Claiming that violence exists only because violent people exist is an act of ignorance or of ideological manipulation.

If one continues to simplify the problem, insisting that it consists of a conflict produced by the “incompatibility” of two religious views — as if one of them had not been present for centuries — as if it were a matter of a simple kind of war where victory is achieved only with the total defeat of the enemy, one will drag the entire world into an intercontinental war.  If one genuinely seeks the social origin and motivation of the problem — the “why” — and acts to eliminate and attenuate it, we will most assuredly witness a relaxing of the tension that is currently escalating.  We will not see the end of violence and injustice in the world, but at least misfortune of unimaginable proportions will be avoided.

The analysis of the “origin of violence” would be useless if it were produced and consumed only within a university.  It should be a problem for the headlines, a problem to be discussed dispassionately in the bars and in the streets.  At the same time, we will have to recognize, once again, that we need a genuine dialogue.  Not a return to the diplomatic farce, but a dialogue between peoples who have begun dangerously to see one another as enemies, as threats — a disagreement, really, based on a profound and crushing ignorance of the other and of oneself.  What is urgent is a painful but courageous dialogue, where each one of us might recognize our prejudice and our self-centeredness.  A dialogue that dispenses with religious fanaticism — both Muslim and Christian — so in vogue these days, with its messianic and moralizing pretensions.  A dialogue, in short, to spite the deaf who refuse to hear.

The True God

According to true believers and true religion, there can be only one true God: God.  Some claim that the true God is One and he is Three at the same time, but judging by the evidence, God is One and Many more.  The true God is unique but with different politics according to the interests of the true believers.  Each one is the true God, each one moves the faithful against the faithful of other gods, which are always false gods even though each one is someone’s true God.  Each true God organizes the virtue of each virtuous people on the basis of true customs and the true Morality.  There is only one Morality based on the true God, but since there is more than one true God there is also more than one true Morality, only one of which is truly true.

But, how do we know which one is the true truth?  The proper methods for proof are disputable; what is not disputed is the current practice: scorn, threats, oppression, and, when in doubt, death.  True death is always the final and inevitable recourse of the true truth, which comes from the true God, in order to save the true Morality and, above all, the true believers.

Yes, at times I have my doubts about what is true, and I know that doubt has been condemned by all religions, by all theologies, and by all political discourses.  At times I have my doubts, but it is likely that God does not hold my doubt in contempt.  He must be very busy concerning himself with so much certainty, so much pride, so much morality, behind so many ministers who have taken control of his word, holding Him hostage in a building somewhere so as to be able to conduct their business in public without obstacles.

Jorge MajfudJorge Majfud was born in Tacuarembó, Uruguay in 1969.  From an early age he read and wrote fictions, but he chose to major in architecture and graduated from the Universidad de la República in Montevideo, Uruguay in 1996.  He taught mathematics and art at the Universidad Hispanoamericana de Costa Rica and Escuela Técnica del Uruguay.  He currently teaches Latin American literature at the University of Georgia.  He has traveled to more than forty countries, whose impressions have become part of his novels and essays.  His publications include Hacia qué patrias del silencio (memorias de un desaparecido) [novel] (Montevideo, Uruguay: Editorial Graffiti, 1996; Tenerife, Spain: Baile del Sol, 2001); Crítica de la pasión pura [essays] (Montevideo: Editorial Graffiti, 1998; Fairfax, Virginia: HCR, 1999; Buenos Aires, Argentina: Editorial Argenta, 2000); and La reina de América [novel] (Tenerife: Baile del Sol, 2002).  He contributed to Entre Siglos-Entre Séculos: Autores Latinoamericanos a Fin de siglo, edited by Pilar Ediçoes (Brasilia) and Bianchi Editores (Montevideo) in 1999.  His stories and articles have been published in various newspapers, magazines, and readers, such as El País and La República of Montevideo, Rebelión, and Hispanic Culture Review of George Mason University.  He is the founder and editor of the magazine SigloXXI — reflexiones sobre nuestro tiempo.  He is a regular contributor to Bitácora, the weekly publication of La República.  Translation by Bruce Campbell.

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