Social movements play an important role in revolutionary processes. With this in mind, in 2007 Hugo Chávez initiated Alba Movements as a network of grassroots organizations under the auspices of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America [ALBA]. In this interview, we talk to Alba Movements spokesperson Hernán Vargas about the network’s remit and its support for the Bolivarian Process.
Cira Pascual Marquina: How did Alba Movements get started?
Hernán Vargas: ALBA emerged around 2004, during a period of intense mobilization and protests against neoliberalism across the continent. Those were also the times when the U.S. was advancing the Free Trade Area of the Americas [FTAA] and there was strong opposition to it across the continent. In this context, Comandante Fidel and Comandante Chávez saw the need to build an alternative to defeat the neoliberal project, while promoting a new vision for the future.
All this sparked an extensive process of discussion and debate in the region, and eventually, governments began to join the Alliance [ALBA now includes 10 countries].
A pivotal moment came during a Presidential Summit in Tintorero [Venezuela] in 2007. There, Chávez talked about the importance of creating an ALBA council of social movements. He argued that these movements, which were central in the struggle against neoliberalism, had to have an active role in ALBA.
Chávez thought that ALBA could not simply be a project of like-minded governments; it had to be an alliance that brought together social movements across countries, regardless of whether their governments were progressive, leftist, or aligned with ALBA’s ideals.
That is the origin of Alba Movements. From the Tintorero Summit forward, social movements from around the continent began to get together and debate. After some years, the foundational assembly of Alba Movements took place in 2013.
CPM: Who participates in Alba Movements and how is it organized?
HV: Social movements can be part of ALBA when they have a concrete project of struggle, adhere to our principles of solidarity and grassroots organization, and demonstrate this in their practice.
Following the foundational assembly in 2013, hundreds of movements from across the continent began to come together and organize national chapters to advance in the construction of a continental platform. In the foundational assembly, and later at a second assembly held in Colombia in 2016, it was agreed that the highest decision-making and policy-defining body would be the “Assembly of Social Movements.”
At the same time, we began to think about how to create operational structures to support the platform. That’s how our Operational Secretariat came to be. The Secretariat is our continental coordinating body. It meets at least once a year.
Alba Movements is very diverse, bringing together Afro-descendant, campesino, feminist, urban, cultural, and youth organizations, among many others. This diversity has not kept us from advancing—in fact, it has helped us advance—towards a common program of struggle.
Over the years we have identified six collective axes of struggle: (1) internationalism, (2) democracy and popular power, (3) the ideological and cultural battle, (4) the defense of the rights of Mother Earth, (5) the construction of an alternative economy, an economy for buen vivir [good living], and (6) popular feminisms, which have become increasingly central in recent years.
CPM: The defense of Venezuela’s Bolivarian Revolution is very important for Alba Movements. Can you talk about how a network of grassroots organizations contributes to the defense of the revolution?
HV: The six-point axis of struggle mentioned earlier translates into concrete actions such as mobilization, solidarity actions, and the development of education and research agendas, among other things.
Together with many other initiatives, Alba Movements has played a crucial role in the defense of the Bolivarian Revolution and other processes of change in the hemisphere. Our solidarity has been particularly visible during critical moments, including the 2019 coup in Bolivia and the ongoing struggle of the Haitian people.
We subscribe to the idea that Haiti, the first country on the continent to achieve liberation and independence, continues to face imperialist repression because it dared to break with the shackes of colonialism.
Additionally, solidarity with socialist Cuba remains central, as does the push for a free Puerto Rico. We participate in many other struggles, including the fight for justice for Berta Cáceres, whose assassination symbolizes the broader struggle of indigenous and environmental leaders. Finally, Alba Movements also honors the legacy of countless leaders and ancestors who gave their lives in pursuit of a more just society across the continent.
In short, building a better world has been the driving force behind our movements. For this reason, we actively support the Bolivarian Revolution. But I should add something else: in Alba Movements there has been a concerted effort to not only defend the Bolivarian Process but also make visible the reasons why it is worth defending. With Venezuela, as is the case with Cuba or Nicaragua, our solidarity campaigns are not simply a matter of opposing imperialist agendas that threaten sovereignty; they are also about showcasing what is being achieved.
The message in our campaigns is clear: if imperialism succeeds in dismantling sovereign agendas, the entire region will suffer, and the loss will be huge. That’s why our campaigns, while they may be focused on a specific country, are not about individual countries but about the shared future of all pueblos striving for justice, self-determination, and integration.
CPM: Recently, the Venezuela chapter of Alba Movements held a meeting to debate the present conjuncture. What was discussed there?
HV: In November, some 47 movements and communes came together to discuss the central challenges we face. On the one hand, we must continue to resist the brutal imperialist offensive against Venezuela, which has been harming our lives for over a decade. On the other hand, we must confront the resurgence of fascist forces across the continent, which are attempting to impose their agenda. In recent months, this resurgence has intensified its attacks against Venezuela.
On July 28, and the days following, we witnessed the return of fascist violence. This violence targets people for simply being Chavistas, seeks to destroy symbols, attempts to finish grassroots initiatives, and mobilizes hatred against those who oppose neoliberalism and fight for socialism. It had been a while since we last saw this level of hatred and violence here, so talking about it was one of our most pressing concerns during the November gathering.
However, our get-together was not just about the enemies we face. As Venezuela’s chapter of Alba Movements, we committed to advancing the changes and transformations that began in 1999. Coming out of that meeting, the key idea was that defending what we have is fundamental, but also that transformation is necessary, and that President Maduro is the person capable of leading that change.
In our debates, we identified communalization as the strategic element in the new phase of the Bolivarian Revolution. Communalization is both a method and a project—an approach rooted in territorial organization and self-governance. Communalization is the foundation for resisting imperialism and fascism while driving the transformative changes necessary to build socialism.
Communalization means integrating the communal model across various spheres of life. Culturally and ideologically, communalization is about fostering a collective, community-based mindset. Politically it requires transforming governance and decision-making while working so that processes resonate with communal principles. Economically, communalization entails rethinking production and property relations to prioritize collective ownership and local autonomy. Finally, communalization extends to the international sphere and should shape how we build solidarity among pueblos.
In the new stage that we are entering, we see communalization as a central strategy, as a way to resist, transform, and build a collective future rooted in the ideals of the Bolivarian Revolution and the lived experiences of our communities.
The Venezuela chapter of Alba Movements met on November 9 and 10, 2024 in Caracas (ALBA-TCP)
CPM: We are on the eve of President Nicolás Maduro’s swearing-in ceremony, marking the beginning of a new presidential term. What is Alba Movements’ vision of the future?
HV: As we approach January 10 and the inauguration of President Nicolás Maduro for a third term, we find ourselves reflecting on the discussions we’ve been having with Venezuela’s popular movements and with movements across the continent. These conversations have led us to agree on some fundamental points.
As I mentioned before, one of the core challenges we face today is the consolidation of far-right, fascist forces globally. From Meloni in Italy to Milei in Argentina to Trump in the United States, we see an axis of ultraconservative elites attempting to reassert Western hegemony.
These elites are trying to find solutions to the crisis of the civilizational model; they want to restore dominance much as they did 500 years ago, when Europeans invaded and colonized our continent. While we witness a transition away from the unipolar world, Western powers are fighting to preserve their dominance over the world with the same force and violence they used to establish it in the first place.
In this context, Venezuela has become a primary target—although it’s not the only one—because it is a significant beacon of resistance. Here, we are facing a cognitive war that has criminalized Chavismo and attempted to erase the many advances that we’ve had. This manipulation manifests as a total disconnection from reality in some sectors of society. Outside the country too, many have a distorted view of Venezuela, a picture far removed from the truth. This presents a challenge we cannot ignore.
In short, the attacks against Venezuela have been twofold. First, a material offensive aimed at dismantling the Bolivarian Revolution’s concrete advances, particularly by targeting the oil sector, which is key in Venezuela’s economy. Second, an attack on collective consciousness.
In response, organizations across the continent have set two priorities: denouncing these attacks and combating them with tangible ideas. In Venezuela, we have formed alliances with popular movements to strengthen our position. As part of this effort, we fully support President Nicolás Maduro for several reasons.
First, we have been building a political process with leadership, a program, and a vision that can be traced back to El Libro Azul [Blue Book] and the Plan de la Patria [Homeland Plan]. This process has created a historical bloc of organized grassroots forces that have resisted many waves of attacks. This was evident on July 28, when Chavismo mobilized 6.4 million voters—52% of those who participated in the elections. Not only did we turn out to vote, but we also took to the streets to defend our victory and will remain mobilized in the days ahead.
We have resisted the blockade imposed by the United States, the Venezuelan far right, and the continent’s elites. We clearly understand who is responsible for this aggression and will not allow ourselves to be used by these forces. We know their agenda aims to divide and destroy us, pitting us against one another. That is why we are committed to defending peace through mobilization, organization, and solidarity.
We also recognize President Maduro as a champion of the changes demanded by the people. He has emphasized self-criticism and accountability, evident in the government’s actions against corruption, with over 3,000 people detained or prosecuted. Moreover, Maduro has guided us through the most challenging times.
Despite sanctions reducing oil revenues by 99% at one point, the government has prioritized funding for missions, [CLAP] food bags, and other social programs. More recently, in the context of the economic stabilization period, the government has directed resources to communal governments, empowering communities to directly manage the national budget.
In the current period of recovery it is critical to reignite popular struggles and diversify our projects. President Maduro has consistently defended socialism and the legacy of Comandante Chávez, who envisioned a territorial, communal socialism rooted in Nuestra América. Maduro’s leadership has affirmed the importance of communalization as a strategy to counter imperialist and fascist agendas while advancing the revolutionary changes our people demand.
For us in the popular movements, communalization represents a path forward and a strategy that we share with President Maduro. Together, we will continue to fight for a Bolivarian Revolution that serves as an alternative model for the world. Our task is to make this process more known internationally and to build solidarity around the profound achievements and lessons of the Venezuelan people.